Tunis
 | | Zaytuna Mosque Minaret and Parapet |
Tunis, the capital of modern day Tunisia first became a capital city in 894 CE, when the Aghlabid ruler Abu Ishak transferred the capital of the Aghlabid kingdom to Tunis, where he built a royal palace[1] . Soon after though, the glorious Aghlabid realm fell into chaos, following the Fatimid phase and the Banu Hilal onslaught on Ifriqya. The weakened Tunisian realm then suffered deadly Norman invasions. Tunis was taken by the Normans together with Djerba, Sfax, Mehdia, Monastir and Sousse.[2] The Normans threatened not just Tunisia, but the whole of North Africa as the Norman-Papal aim was to extinguish Islam in the region. The timely intervention by the Berber Almohads from the mid 12th century onwards upset Norman-Papal plans, which were not just seeking to extinguish Islam in North Africa, but also in Spain.[3] Western historians on the whole have been anti-Almohad, possibly due to how they upset such plans, and these historians overwhelmingly accuse the Almohads of fanaticism, persecution, and intolerance.[4] Looking at the evidence, in search of such Almohad barbarism one finds no instance of it, but instead, all one finds are architectural achievements, such as the Giralda of Seville, scholarly accomplishments such as by the great leader Abu Yussuf Yacub, who built numerous libraries and Almohad support for scholars such as Ibn Tufayl, and Ibn Rushd.[5] There is not a single case of a person burnt at the stake or decapitated by the Almohads. The historians have focussed on looking for such Almohad atrocities, when the real atrocities of the period were inflicted on the Muslims, such as during the crusades (1095-1291), when millions of Muslims were exterminated by the crusaders, crusaders who also roasted and ate Muslim flesh, and raped the women in countless numbers.[6] Following the Almohads were the Hafsids, who made Tunis their capital, and who contributed immensely to its rise to greatness. Tunis became influential beginning in the 13th century, in 1249, when in the city, the first madrasa of North Africa was founded[7] . The prosperity of the city seems to have remained under Hafsid rule, the Turkish seaman, Piri Reis showed his admiration for the city, when he saw it in the late 15th –early 16th century. He writes that the city has fifty thousand houses, each `resembling a sultan's palace',[8] and orchards and gardens fringe the city. In each of these gardens, were villas and kiosks, pools and fountains, and the scent of jasmine overpowering the air.[9] There were water wheels, too, and so many fruit people hardly paid any attention to them. The city was visited by Venetians and Genoese traders, their ships loading with goods before departing; their site of anchorage was in the port nine miles in front of the city.[10] The harbour of Tunis itself is a bay which opens toward the north, and anchorage, he points out, is seven fathoms deep (about 13 meters), the bottom was even, and the holding ground good. Further safety of the port is secured from enemy fleets by the means of a tower with a canon guarding it.[11] Tunis needed such defences, indeed, for its prosperity and greatness now tempted European powers, yet again, one finds Western historians distorting facts, telling us that the Spanish military and the devastating onslaught against the city in 1535 was due to the presence of Kheir Eddin Barbarossa in the city.[12] This is one of the grave distortions one regularly finds amongst Western historians, for Tunis was attacked not because of Barbarossa, but was attacked following a greater scheme by the Christian powers of the time to destroy the whole Islamic realm in the region. Without dwelling on this matter too long, it must be remembered that a Papal policy to destroy the presence of Islam and Islamic power in North Africa had been declared. This policy was subsequently formalised by the Tordesillas (1494) agreement where the Portuguese and Spaniards reached, under Papal sponsorship, a deal to share out the task and spoils in Muslim North Africa.[13] By then, the Portuguese had already taken Ceuta (1415) , Tangiers, 1471, whilst Granada fell in Spanish hands, (1492), and so did Melila (1497), Mers el-Kebir (1505), Oran (1509); Bejaia and Tripoli (1510) and then Algiers was threatened in 1515, and Tunisia was next on the line. Thus, the Spanish and Portuguese and their allies attacks against Muslim North Africa preceded by over a century the arrival of Kheir Eddin Barbarossa in Tunis. Moreover, contrary to what Western historians, in their majority write, it was the Tunisian rulers who invited the Barbarossa brothers for protection against the Spanish attacks against their country, the Spanish attacks causing the intervention of Barbarossa, not the reverse.[14] And, in fact, had it not been for the Barbarosa brothers, the fate of the whole Tunisian population not just that of Tunis would have been the same fate as other places blessed by the arrival of the same people, that is extermination to the last person;[15] or the same fate as the Muslims in Portugal and Spain: also extermination to the last person. [16] Tunisia, like the rest of North Africa, remained in Muslim hands until the decline of the Ottomans opened the way to the Franco-English share out of the spoils, Tunisia falling to the French in 1881. Scholars On the scholarly front, again, unlike the preconceived views of North Africa being prior to the French arrival, a barbaric land, a land of pirates, Tunisia, and its capital, Tunis, like the rest of North Africa, had a culture much superior to that found north of the Mediterranean. The cultural wealth was in the form of libraries, and in the amount of books in collections. Pedersen refers to the large amounts of manuscripts that are found in the mosques of the Zaytuna in Tunis, just as elsewhere in North Africa, in Tlemcen in Algeria and Rabat in Morocco.[17] The Zaytuna of Tunis, possibly, was the richest of all. It had several collections totalling in the tens of thousands of books, one of its libraries, al-Abdaliyah included a large collection of rare manuscripts.[18] It is said that most rulers of the Hafside dynasty vied with each other for the prestige associated with maintaining and strengthening the book collection at the mosque; which at some point exceeded 100,000 volumes.[19] The manuscripts embraced all subjects and sciences, including grammar, logic, documentations, etiquette of research, cosmology, arithmetic, geometry, minerals, vocational training etc.[20] The Zaytuna Mosque / University, itself, was founded in the city of Tunis by Numan al-Ghassani, the Muslim conqueror of Tunis in 698 according to some sources, whilst others hold it was built in 732 by the Ummayad al-Haddab the governor of Ifriqiyah (as Tunisia was then called).[21] The mosque witnessed subsequent alterations under various dynasties and rulers, some quite drastic especially under the Ottomans in 17th and 18th centuries.[22] Unlike Al-Qayrawan which was an early centre of learning, al-Zaytuna flourished only late, in the 13th century under the Hafsid dynasty, who had made Tunis their capital.[23] Since then, al-Zaytuna became one of the major centres of Islamic higher learning, and Ibn Khaldun, the first social historian in history was one of its products.[24] The Zaytuna attracted men of learning from all parts. At the university they were taught the Qur'an, jurisprudence, history, grammar, science and medicine.[25] When the Spaniards occupied Tunis between 1534 and 1574, they ransacked its mosques and libraries, and removed many of the precious books and manuscripts.[26] The Spaniards had, as Saladin reckons, pitilessly destroyed many treasures of art and science.[27] Precious manuscripts were burnt, the great mosque was turned into a haunt for Spanish horses to defecate inside, and resulting from such an onslaught all the great masterpieces of Muslim art in the city were lost forever.[28] The Turks expelled the Spaniards, then restored and expanded the Zaytuna mosques, its libraries and madrassa and made it again a centre of high Islamic culture.[29] The Ottoman bey (regional governer), Ahmad Pasha I, did not just revitalise the library, he also organised and generously supported education at the Zaytuna, besides depositing large numbers of books in the mosque.[30] New courses were introduced in 1896 including physics, political economy and French.[31] It is at Al-Zaytuna where scores of figures of Arab-Islamic culture received their education. Amongst these were Tawfiq al-Madani, and above all: Abdel-Hamid Ibn Badis, the figure behind the revival of Algeria's Islamic identity in the 1940s. Tunis had throughout its history remained a great centre for Islamic scholarship. It was the destination of one of the earliest figures from Muslim Spain: Abu Salt Umaiya. Abu Salt Umaiya al-Andalusi was born in 1067-1068 at Denia (Muslim Spain), and lived in Seville; after 1096 he lived in Cairo, and after 1112 in Mehdiya, then in Tunis, where he died in 1134.[32] He was a physician, mathematician, and astronomer, whose works have received good attention most particularly from German speaking scholarship.[33] Abu Salt wrote various treatises on medicine, mathematics and astronomy; also letters or essays—Al-Rasa'il al-Misriya—about things and people observed by him in Egypt.[34] His most important works are a treatise on simple drugs, Kitab al-adwiya al-mufrada (Simplicia). The Simplicia was translated into Latin by Arnold of Villanova (second half of the thirteenth century), and into Hebrew by Judah Nathan (second half of the fourteenth century). Abu Salt also wrote a treatise on logic, TaqwIm al-dhihn (Rectification of the understanding), and a treatise on the astrolabe, Risala fI-l- amal bi-l-istarlab. The TaqwIm al-dhihn was edited, and translated into Spanish, by Angel Gonzalez Palencia: Rectificacion de la mente.[35] A treatise of his on music, Risala fil--musiqa, is partly extant in Hebrew, an interesting translation because the original is lost. [36] Following the loss of Muslim Spain in the 13th century, a large number of scholars and those who could, escaped to the Maghreb; Tunis was one destination for such refugees. The famed historian Abu Bekr Ibn said An Nas had predicted rightly, that the loss of the Muslim realm in al-Andalus was to cause a great catastrophe.[37] And, when Seville, which at the time was the glory of Islamic learning, the city of Ibn Zuhr, Al-Bitruji, jabir Ibn Aflah, Ibn Rushd, and all the great and good of Spain, was permanently lost to Islam, it signalled the end of Muslim civilisation in Spain. It signalled the end of the Islamic learning in that country especially after the fall of Cordoba, Valencia, Murcia, and the rest of al-Andalus, except Granada (which will be lost in 1492). Abu Bekr, himself, fled Seville, and migrated to Tunis, where he became a professor of jurisprudence in a madrasa, which was founded by the mother of the sultan. [38] He was not on his own, Tunis also attracted many of those amongst the Andalusians who could escape, architects, masons, artisans, and even gardeners. [39]  | | Zaytuna Mosque |
Ibn Khaldun Amongst those who fled were the ancestors of a great scholar of Islam: Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), who was born in Tunisia. There is an excellent and shortened work, which sums up Ibn Khaldun and his scholarly achievements by Schmidt, dating from 1930.[40] In it the author deals with - The discovery of Ibn Khaldun;
- Ibn Khaldun the historian;
- The philosopher;
- The sociologist;
- The man;
- Extra manuscripts;
- Editions.
- Translations.
Schmidt holds: `Ibn Khaldun as a man is most clearly and most significantly revealed in the great work he left behind. Here he lives more truly than in the turbulent activities of his diplomatic career. His nature is reflected in his observations of human society, his rigorous demand that it be studied comprehensively and with scientific accuracy, and with his faithfulness, so far as time and circumstances permitted, in meeting this requirement. He is a solitary figure towering above his age, yet to be explained in the way he himself regarded as proper the interpretation of every historic phenomenon. The law of growth and decay of social groups which he discerned cast him into oblivion; the same law has led to his discovery and the recognition of his genius.' [41] Ibn Khaldun's major work was The Muqquadimma (The Introduction), a gigantic endeavour, a discourse on universal history in six chapters, dealing with geography, urban and rural life; the state and its functions; economic systems and various other sciences. The Muqaddima was finally translated into English in 1957 by Rosenthal.[42] Prior to that time, only sectional translations into English existed. The first complete translation of the Muqqadima into any other language was a Turkish version of 1730; and also a complete French translation was published in 1862-1865. The Muqaddima has been declared by scholars in the field to be far more important than Parts 2 and 3, yet it is doubtful whether sufficient study has been made of these parts, owing to the lack of translations from the Arabic. The Muqaddima is made up of six sections preceded by a long introduction which includes significant information on historiography, an appreciation of the various approaches to history, a glimpse at the different kinds of errors to which are prone, and some suggestions as to the causes of these errors.[43] The first section deals with society in general, its various kinds, its geographical distributions, and the portion of the earth that is civilised. The second takes up nomadic societies, including savage tribes. The third is a discourse on states-dynasties, the caliphates, the spiritual and temporal powers, and political ranks. The fourth section discusses non-nomadic societies, cities and provinces; the fifth deals with crafts, ways of making a living, and other economic activities; and the sixth with the various classifications of sciences, and methods of learning and teaching. [44] In his studies of political science and the state, and although deeply interested and even involved in the functioning of the state, Ibn Khaldun, Rosenthal tells us, was neither a cynic nor a romantic, neither an activist nor a fatalist, but was instead a realist.[45] Thus, he finds, for instance that association of humans, on its own is not enough, but that constraint must be put on man and his selfish wishes in the form of law.[46] He says very little about this law in practice, since this was done for him by the interpreters of the Shari'a (Islamic Law); but declared law as a necessary part of the political fabric.[47] Ibn Khaldun, just like al-Ghazali, argues against the futility of and the shortcomings of metaphysics in favour of the superior revealed truth of Islam, and sees certainty of faith as against the mere probability of human reason and its inadequacy to explain things out of human reach.[48] He was also by nature, an empiricist, and thus hated speculation. He was not interested much in the individual soul and its perfection and happiness, but was instead interested in the group, the community of individuals organised in the state.[49] History, as a subject, according to Ibn Khaldun is not just making an inventory of facts, small or decisive, events gleaned without any form of criticism, following each other year after year.[50] Instead, he sees history as a science comparable to the others, having an objective which is similar to that of other sciences: the search for truth, and a science developing methods which are proper to it.[51] Ibn Khaldun, thus, arrived at creating a new science, that of History, which comprises human society as a whole and its achievements in culture and civilisation which he terms Umran.[52] On history and historians, Ibn Khaldun asserts that historians must have an external and independent criterion by which to evaluate alleged facts.[53] The criterion he proposes begins as simple analogy, based on personal experience and common sense. Historians must use their own experience to inquire into the underlying conditions of their society and the principles governing these conditions. In studying previous periods, they must discover the underlying conditions of those times and decide how far the apparent principles of their own age are applicable.[54] In this way historians simultaneously use data about the past to deepen their understanding of the principles of society, and make these principles their chief instrument for evaluating alleged new data, and, ultimately, when they attain full knowledge of the laws of human society, they can apply them directly to any new body of historical information they confront.[55] Ibn Khaldun insists that historians must avoid distorting reality; he insists that historians have to avoid seeking to write a history that comforts their readers, or by compensating lack of knowledge by an imaginary history and, of course the tendency to clean up history of its darker sides.[56] Ibn Khaldun's ideas had a considerable impact, and he was much esteemed by fifteenth-century Egyptian historians (some of whom had been his pupils), and they showed a far greater awareness of social processes and the interplay between elite politics and society at large than had their predecessors.[57] Ibn Khaldun is the first thinker to include the whole of society in a scientific enquiry.[58] One of his best known studies relates to the rise and decline of civilisations. He explains how civilisation and culture breed their own decline in the natural development to luxury and ease and in their train moral laxity and depravity, until decay sets in, ending in dissolution of the formerly healthy society which gradually becomes corrupted and hurries to its extinction.[59] Finally here, are Ibn Khaldun's approach to Islam and its role in society. Islam for Ibn Khaldun is the choicest fruit of a God guided and Godward directed human effort to give a community a lasting spiritual content, a complete answer to all problems of life. [60] It furnishes the complete answer to his empirical inquiry into the organisation of the human race.[61] Ibn Khaldun realises the impact of Islam on individual and collective life alike, and he avers more than once in unequivocal terms the absolute necessity of religion for a really united and effective state.[62] Ibn Khaldun draws by far the greatest conclusion of all: that only religion could counteract the disintegrative forces inherent in every nation.[63] No wonder, thus, that Ibn Khaldun clung to Islam as the superior state, as the ideal society of man striving for dominion and power, not for their own sake but in order to enforce the ideal of human perfection and happiness in this world and in the world to come.[64] He, thus, repeated what Muslim thinkers from al-Farabi to Ibn Rushd had stated before him: that the State based on human law cares for the citizen's earthly welfare only, whereas the State based on the revealed, superior law, the Shari'ah, ensures earthly and other worldly bliss.[65] Reality around us proves how this man of the 15th century could read society centuries ahead of everyone else. Bibliography -M. Abd al-Hafiz. Fihris Makhtutat al-Maktaba al- Ahmadiya bi Tunis. Beirut: Dar al-Fath, 1969. -A. M. Abd al-Qadir. `Al-Maktaba al-Tunusiya wa Inayatuha bi Almakhtut al-Arabi.' Majallat Mahad al-Makhtutat al- Arabyia 17 (May 1971): 179-87. -Ibn al-Athir: Al-Kamil fi'l Tarikh; 12 Vols; ed C.J. Tornberg; Leiden and Uppsala; 1851-76. -D. Abulafia: The Norman Kingdom of Africa and the Norman Expeditions to Majorca and the Muslim Mediterranean; in D. Abulafia: Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean 1100-1400; Variorum Reprints; London; 1987; pp. 27-49. -E. Cat: Petite Hitoire de l'Algerie, Tunisie et Maroc; Vol 1; Algiers; A.Jourdan; 1889. -J. Dahmus: Seven medieval Historians, Nelson-Hall, Chicago, 1982. Introduction. -M..J. Deeb: Al-Zaytuna, in The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World; edited by J.L. Esposito; Oxford University Press, 1995; Vol 4. -G. Fisher: The Barbary legend; Oxford; 1957. -J. Fontaine and P. Gresser: Le Guide de la Tunisie; Editions La Manufacture; Besancon; 1992. -W. Howitt: Colonisation and Christianity: Longman; London; 1838. -R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Charles Scribners and Sons, New York, vol 6, pp 250-5. -Ibn Khaldun: The Muqqaddimah, tr. F. Rosenthal; 3 vols. New York, 1958. -R. Landau: Morocco; Elek Books Ltd, London 1967. -H.C. Lea: The Moriscos of Spain; Burt Franklin; New York; 1968 reprint. -L. Leclerc: Histoire de La Medecine Arabe; in 2 vols; 1876; vol. 2. -R. Le Tourneau: The Almohad movement in North Africa in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; Princeton; 1962. -G. Marcais: Les Idees d'Ibn Khaldun sur l'Histoire; in Bulletin d'Etudes Arabes; vol 1; 1941; pp. 3-5. -The Maghreb Review, London; vol 4, no 1, pp 1-25. -Eugene. A. Myers: Arabic Thought and the Western world. Frederick Ungar Publishing, New York, 1964. -J. Pedersen; The Arabic Book, (1928) translated by Geoffrey French; Princeton University Press; Princeton, New Jersey (1984). -S Runciman: A History of the Crusades, 2 vols, Cambridge University Press, 1962. - E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun: A North African Muslim thinker of the Fourteenth Century; in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library; vol 24; pp. 307-20. -H. Saladin: Tunis et Kairouan; Librairie Renouard; Paris; 1908. -G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Sciences; in 3 vols; The Carnegie Institute; Washington; 1927 ff; vol 2. -N. Schmidt: Ibn Khaldun. Historian, sociologist and philosopher; New York; Columbia University Press; 1930. - M. Sibai: Mosque Libraries: An Historical Study: Mansell Publishing Limited: London and New York: 1987. -S. Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 5, pp 129-296. -D.E. Stannard: "Genocide in The Americas" in The Nation, (October 19, 1992 pp. 430-434). -W.B. Stevenson: The Crusades in The East; Cambridge University Press; 1903. -H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke (1900); APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam, reedit; 1982. -F. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (92-93, 1840); Geschichtschreitcr (80, no. 237, 1881). -R. De Zayas: Les Morisques et le racisme d'Etat; la Difference; Paris; 1992.
[1] H. Saladin: Tunis et Kairouan; Librairie Renouard; Paris; 1908; p.13. [2] Ibn al-Athir: Al-Kamil fi'l Tarikh; 12 Vols; ed C.J. Tornberg; Leiden and Uppsala; 1851-76; see relevant sections. D. Abulafia: The Norman Kingdom of Africa and the Norman Expeditions to Majorca and the Muslim Mediterranean; in D. Abulafia: Italy, Sicily and the Mediterranean 1100-1400; Variorum Reprints; London; 1987; pp. 27-49. esp. pp. 32 ff. [3] See, for instance: -H.C. Lea: The Moriscos of Spain; Burt Franklin; New York; 1968 reprint. -R. Le Tourneau: The Almohad movement in North Africa in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; Princeton; 1962. [4] Such as H. Saladin: Tunis et Kairouan; Librairie Renouard; Paris; 1908. p.16. [5] R. Landau: Morocco; Elek Books Ltd, London 1967. pp 81-2. [6] See, for instance, -S Runciman: A History of the Crusades, 2 vols, Cambridge University Press, 1962. -W.B. Stevenson: The Crusades in The East; Cambridge University Press; 1903. - Ibn al-Athir: Al-Kamil fi'l Tarikh; op cit. [7] J. Fontaine and P. Gresser: Le Guide de la Tunisie; Editions La Manufacture; Besancon; 1992; p. 174. [8] S.Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 5, pp 129-296; p. 197. [9] S. Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, p. 197. [10] S. Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reisp. 197. [11] S. Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis; p. 199. [12] J.Fontaine; P. Gresser: Le Guide de la Tunisie; op cit; p. 175 [13] E.Cat: Petite Hitoire de l'Algerie, Tunisie et Maroc; Vol 1; Algiers; A.Jourdan; 1889. pp. 226-7. [14] G.Fisher: The Barbary legend; Oxford; 1957. p. 36. [15] W. Howitt: Colonisation and Christianity: Longman; London; 1838; or see: D.E. Stannard: "Genocide in The Americas" in The Nation, (October 19, 1992 pp. 430-434). [16] R. De Zayas: Les Morisques et le racisme d'Etat; la Difference; Paris; 1992. [17] J.Pedersen; The Arabic Book, (1928) translated by Geoffrey French; Princeton University Press; Princeton, New Jersey (1984). p. 129. [18] M.J. Deeb: Al-Zaytuna, in The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World; edited by J.L. Esposito; Oxford University Press, 1995; Vol 4; p.374. [19] Ahmad, Muhammad Abd al-Qadir. `Al-Maktaba al-Tunusiya wa Inayatuha bi Almakhtut al-Arabi.' Majallat Mahad al-Makhtutat al- Arabyia 17 (May 1971): 179-87, P. 186. [20] Mansur, Abd al-Hafiz. Fihris Makhtutat al-Maktaba al- Ahmadiya bi Tunis. Beirut: Dar al-Fath, 1969. pp 8-9, in M. Sibai: Mosque Libraries : An Historical Study: Mansell Publishing Limited: London and New York: 1987. p. 98. [21] See J.Binous on the foundation of the Zitouna, French text in Le Guide de la Tunisie, ed J.Fontaine and P. Gresser, op cit; p. 190. [22] Guide de la Tunisie, op cit, pp 192-4. [23] Mary J. Deeb: Al-Zaytuna; op cit; p 374. [24] A fine summary of the life and works of Ibn Khaldoun can be found in The Maghreb Review, vol 4, no 1, pp 1-25. It includes most particularly articles on his political thinking and his classification of sciences. [25] M.J. Deeb: Al-zaytuna, op cit, p.374. [26] Ibid, p. 374. [27] H. Saladin: Tunis et Kairouan; op cit; p.18. [28] Saladin; 18. [29] M.J. Deeb: Al-Zaytuna; op cit; p. 374. [30] M. Sibai, Mosque Libraries, op cit, p 60. [31] M.J. Deeb: Al-Zaytuna, op cit, p. 375. [32] G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Sciences; in 3 vols; The Carnegie Institute; Washington; 1927 ff; vol 2; p. 230. [33] F. Wustenfeld: Arabische Aerzte (92-93, 1840); Geschichtschreitcr (80, no. 237, 1881). M. Steinschneider: Hebraische Obersetzungen; 1893; pp. 735, 855. L. Leclerc: Histoire de La Medecine Arabe; in 2 vols; 1876; vol. 2, pp. 74-75. H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke (1900); APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam, reedit; 1982. pp. 115, p. 272 . Henry George Farmer: History of Arabian music, 1929; p. 221, and also in Isis, 13, p. 373. [34] G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; 2; p. 230. [35] Thesis, Madrid; 1915. [36] G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit; vol 2; p. 230. [37] H. Saladin: Tunis; op cit; p. 52. [38] Saladin; 18. [39] Saladin; 18. [40] N. Schmidt: Ibn Khaldun. Historian, sociologist and philosopher; New York; Columbia University Press; 1930. [41] N. Schmidt: Ibn Khaldun.. p. 45. [42] Ibn Khaldun: The Muqqaddimah, tr. F. Rosenthal; 3 vols. New York, 1958. [43] Eugene. A. Myers: Arabic Thought and the Western world. Frederick Ungar Publishing, New York, 1964:p. 55. [44] Eugene. A. Myers: Arabic Thought: p. 55. [45] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun: A North African Muslim thinker of the Fourteenth Century; in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library; vol 24; pp. 307-20; at p. 310. [46] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 316. [47] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 316. [48] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 311. [49] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 311. [50] G. Marcais: Les Idees d'Ibn Khaldun sur l'Histoire; in Bulletin d'Etudes Arabes; vol 1; 1941; pp. 3-5. at p. 3. [51] G. Marcais: Les Idees d'Ibn Khaldun sur l'Histoire; p. 3. [52] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun: at p. 309. [53] R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Charles Scribners and Sons, New York, vol 6, pp 250-5. at p. 255. [54] R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, p. 255. [55] R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, p. 255. [56] G. Marcais: Les Idees d'Ibn Khaldun sur l'Histoire; p. 3. [57] R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, p. 255. [58] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; op cit; at p. 310. [59] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 315. [60] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; op cit; p. 308. [61] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 308. [62] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 311. [63] J. Dahmus: Seven medieval Historians, Nelson-Hall, Chicago, 1982. Introduction: p.x. [64] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 319. [65] E.I. J. Rosenthal: Ibn Khaldun; p. 319.
by: FSTC, Tue 30 November, 2004
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